Bambang Sukmono Hadi

Besan Megawati Soekano Kiemas. Ayahanda dari Happy Hapsoro
Pengusaha property dan jasa fowarding

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Besan Presiden Membangun Kondominium di Tanah Negara
IBUKOTA · 02 Mar 2003 06:20

Liputan6.com, Jakarta: Sebuah kondominium dibangun di kawasan bekas Bandar Udara Kemayoran, Jakarta Pusat, yang saat ini berada di bawah tanggung jawab Sekretariat Negara. Presiden Komisaris Blossom Residence Bambang Sukmonohadi mengatakan, izin pembangunan kondominium ini diberikan dengan menggunakan hak guna bangunan serta aturan bagi hasil. Seluruh persyaratan untuk membangun di atas tanah negara telah dipenuhi. “Tidak ada prosedur yang kita lewati,” ujar besan Presiden Megawati Sukarnoputri ini.

Bambang menambahkan, pengurusan izin pembangunan properti mewah ini memakan waktu hingga dua tahun. Sementara pembagian keuntungan adalah 40 persen untuk negara dan 60 persen untuk pengembang. Direktur Pelaksana Pengendalian Pembangunan Kompleks Kemayoran Abdul Muis membenarkan keterangan Bambang. Pasalnya, mereka benar-benar memperhatikan pembangunan dari segi administrasi, teknik, dan finansial. Menurut dia, harga jual setiap unit kondominium ini berkisar Rp 4 miliar hingga Rp 8 miliar. Dari 55 kondominiun yang berdiri di tanah negara seluas tiga hektare ini, baru 16 unit yang sudah terjual.(TNA/Olivia Rosalia dan Gatot Setiawan)

 

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Indonesia’s elite lines up the deckchairs

By MICHAEL BACKMAN
Thursday 2 August 2001

Feedback from readers is one of the most satisfying aspects of writing these
columns.

But not all feedback is positive. Some of it is downright dangerous.

In the past few days I’ve received nine e-mails with viruses attached.

I don’t open attachments, so it’s no problem. But there appears to be a direct
relationship between the number of viruses e-mailed to me and my writing about
ethical issues in corporate Indonesia. Assuming a link, the viruses serve only
to make my point.

Another, similar point was made in Jakarta last week. The judge who dared to
sentence Tommy Suharto, the youngest son of the former president, to jail for
his part in a corrupt land deal was shot in the head and killed by two
professional assassins while on his way to work.

Many in business in Indonesia, it seems, have become comfortable with certain
ways of doing things and do not take kindly to having those ways challenged.

So what challenge, if any, will Megawati mount now that she is President? Will
the incidence of corruption and nepotism fall? Or will who you know in Jakarta
continue to count for more than what you know?

I once saw Megawati at a reception at Jakarta’s Intercontinental Hotel, back
when she was an opposition figure. I was chatting with someone when I glanced
directly behind me and there she was, standing alone in a room full of voluble
chitchat.

Others too must have noticed that she was alone, but none bothered to approach
her. It wasn’t so much that no one wanted to be seen being chummy with an
opposition figure, but rather that Megawati’s reputation as a conversationalist
was so poor that no one seemed sufficiently charitable to put up with her
one-word answers and nervous giggles.

Attempts in the media to portray Megawati as an Indonesian Ang San Suu Kyi soon
ran out of puff, and a consensus quickly emerged that the lights might well be
on but no one seemed to be home.

The fact that Megawati has now become President of the world’s
fourth-most-populous country is nothing less than extraordinary.

On the policy front, Megawati will probably prove a pleasant surprise, if only
because expectations are so low. Her policy skills are so abysmal that she has
little choice other than to leave policy-making to professionals. And if she
can bring together the right team of professionals, then Indonesia under a
Megawati presidency might paradoxically be in the best position policy-wise
that it’s been in for years.

But what about policy implementation? There is a cultural predisposition in
Indonesia towards an assumption that it is reasonable for those in power to use
their positions to make themselves, their family and friends wealthy.

Cross-cultural studies tend to show that for many Indonesians corruption is
only wrong if there is too much of it. It is not a promising cultural backdrop
for those who desire serious reform.

To this end, the worries centre not so much on Megawati herself but on her
husband, Taufik Kiemas.

He stood in the 1999 national elections as her party’s candidate for a South
Sumatra constituency, but so did several of his relatives, including one who
stood in Jakarta and another who similarly stood in South Sumatra, leaving
Taufik open to charges of political nepotism.

Rumors circulated too in Jakarta, during Megawati’s time as Vice-President,
that companies linked to Taufik had been awarded infrastructure and oil-sector
contracts.

The market appears to think that it will be business as usual in Jakarta.
Shares in construction company L&M Group Investments soared more than 40 per
cent on the Singapore Stock Exchange (SES) in the two days after Megawati’s
inauguration as President.

Indonesia’s Soeryadjaya family (which bought former prime minister Paul
Keating’s share in his Scone piggery) controls the company.

L&M said in a statement to the SES that its only explanation for the price
surge was that a non-executive director, Bambang Sukmonohadi, is the
father-in-law of Megawati’s only daughter.

It was a little disingenuous, because the statement failed to also mention that
L&M’s chief, Edward Soeryadjaya, is married to Atilah Rapatriarti, whose
brother is married to Sukmawati, a sister of Megawati.

His late first wife also happened to be the adopted daughter of Megawati’s
father’s third wife. It all sounds ridiculously convoluted, but not if you’re
Indonesian. Ties such as these count.

One of L&M’s projects at present is to oversee construction of a CyberCity
project to be built at the old Kemayoran Airport, about six kilometres from the
presidential palace in Jakarta.

It’s supposed to be Indonesia’s own version of Silicon Valley, and is the sort
of project that could only be a success with a great deal government
assistance.

Right now, analysts in Jakarta and Singapore are going through the line-up of
listed Indonesian companies, working out which are likely to be in with the new
regime and which are out; which Indonesian businessmen are now likely to be
sent to jail and who is likely to win a reprieve.

Forget about price/earnings ratios and the niceties of legal arguments. A
company’s fundamentals are its proximity to the power centre.

The power centre has changed and so too has the line-up of the deckchairs of
the Jakarta elite. The elite will work out the new line-up very quickly. It
will take more time for the rest of us.

But stand by for the announcements over the coming months of obscure companies
winning big, new government contracts and other companies that don’t seem to do
anything suddenly becoming the darlings of the Jakarta stockmarket.

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