Fadli Zon

Ajudan Prabowo Subianto.

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Fadli Zon, SS, M.Sc (lahir di Jakarta, Indonesia, 1 Juni 1971; umur 43 tahun) adalah seorang intelektual, penulis, budayawan, pengusaha, dan politikus Indonesia. Ia menyelesaikan pendidikan sarjana pada Program Studi Rusia, Fakultas Ilmu Pengetahuan Budaya Universitas Indonesia (FIB UI) dan Master of Science (M.Sc) Development Studies dari The London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) Inggris. Kini sedang menempuh S3 di Program Studi Sejarah FIB UI. Aktivis mahasiswa awal 1990-an ini punya segudang kesibukan, selain aktif dibidang budaya, politik, jurnalistik, serta bisnis, Fadli Zon juga aktif menjadi pengajar di FIB UI.

Fadli Zon lahir di Jakarta dan dibesarkan di desa Cisarua-Bogor, putera pertama dari tiga bersaudara pasangan Zon Harjo (alm) dan Hj. Ellyda Yatim. Kedua orang tuanya adalah orang Minangkabau dari Payakumbuh, Sumatera Barat.

Ayah dua anak perempuan, Shafa Sabila Fadli (13 tahun) dan Zara Saladina Fadli (6 tahun) ini menyelesaikan pendidikan dasarnya di Cibeureum, Cisarua, Bogor. Melanjutkan SMP di Gadog, Bogor dan Jakarta. SMA selama dua tahun di SMA Negeri 31, Jakarta Timur. Ia kemudian mendapat beasiswa dari AFS (American Field Service) ke San Antonio, Texas, Amerika Serikat dan lulus di sana dengan predikat summa cum laude.

Sejak kecil, Fadli Zon suka membaca, berorganisasi dan menyukai karya tulis. Ia pun memenangkan berbagai kompetisi siswa berprestasi, lomba pidato, baca puisi, tulis puisi, drama, karya tulis, karya ilmiah, dan matematika. Ia juga pernah menjadi Ketua Kelompok Ilmiah Remaja SMAN 31, dan juara I mengarang se-DKI.

Semasa kuliah, ia aktif di berbagai organisasi intra kampus maupun ekstra kampus, antara lain pernah menjadi Ketua Biro Pendidikan Senat Mahasiswa FSUI (1992-1993), Sekretaris Umum Senat Mahasiswa FSUI (1993), Ketua Komisi Hubungan Luar Senat Mahasiswa UI (1993-1994). Fadli juga berkali-kali memimpin demonstrasi mahasiswa UI dalam isu-isu nasional dan internasional. Ia ikut memimpin jaringan aktivis mahasiswa di Jawa dan mengusung gagasan ”Gerakan Mahasiswa 1990-an”. Selain mendukung ”parlemen jalanan,” ia juga turut membentuk dan menghidupkan kelompok-kelompok studi di dalam kampus UI era awal 1990-an. Sedangkan Untuk kegiatan budaya, ia bergabung dengan Teater Sastra UI.

Di luar kampus, ia pernah menjadi Sekjen dan Presiden Indonesian Student Association for International Studies (ISAFIS) (1993-1995), pengurus pusat KNPI (1996-1999), pengurus pusat Gerakan Pemuda Islam (1996-1999), anggota Asian Conference on Religion and Peace (ACRP) sejak 1996. Dia sempat menjadi Wakil Ketua Yayasan BESTARI, sebuah LSM bidang anak-anak dengan aktivitas utama Rumah Dongeng Indonesia yang ikut menyebarkan dongeng pada anak-anak dan membina kreativitas anak-anak Indonesia (1991-1994).Di FDI (Forum Dialog Indonesia), sebuah forum dialog pemuda dan aktivis membicarakan berbagai perkembangan nasional di bidang ekonomi, politik dan budaya, dia dipercaya sebagai Tim Pelaksana Aktivitas (1994-1996).

Tahun 1994, penggemar novel-novel Rusia ini terpilih menjadi Mahasiswa Berprestasi (Mawapres) I Universitas Indonesia dan Mahasiswa Berprestasi III tingkat Nasional. Menjadi visiting student di departemen politik National University of Singapore tahun 1995 dan memimpin delegasi mahasiswa Indonesia dalam ASEAN Varsities Debate IV (1994) di Malaysia.

Selama menjadi mahasiswa UI, ia mendapat kesempatan mengikuti berbagai konferensi dan seminar di luar negeri ,antara lain menjadi ketua delegasi mahasiswa Indonesia dan panelis The 40th International Student Conference di Jepang (1993); pembicara di Simposium Dinamika Gerakan Mahasiswa Islam Asia Tenggara di Malaysia (1994); ketua delegasi pemuda Indonesia dalam Korea-ASEAN Youth Cooperative Project di Korea Selatan (1994); peserta Saemaul Undong Training di Korea Selatan (1994); observer gencatan senjata Filipina-Moro di Filipina (1995); ketua delegasi Indonesia dalam ASEAN Youth Day Meeting IV di Filipina (1995); pembicara dalam South East Asia University Student Conference di Malaysia (1995); peserta World Friendship Week di Virginia, Amerika Serikat (1995); Delegasi Indonesia dalam Konferensi LSM ke-48 di Markas Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa, New York (1995); Ketua Delegasi Indonesia dan pembicara dalam Asia-Pacific Youth Leadership Conference di Taipei, Taiwan (1996); pembicara Seminar National Build-up and Literary Process in South East Asia di Moskow dan St. Petersburg, Rusia (1996); Konferensi ACRP V di Thailand (1996); peserta Hitachi Young Leaders Initiative di Singapura (1997); dan lain-lain.

Tahun 2002, ia mendapat kesempatan belajar di London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). Banyak pengalaman berharga yang didapatnya terutama mendapat kuliah dari intelektual-intelektual ternama. Fadli langsung berada dibawah pembimbing Prof. John Harriss, PhD (Director of Development Studies Institute, LSE) dan Prof. Robert Wade, PhD. Ia ikut beberapa organisasi seperti ASEN dan menjadi aktivis di LSE Stop the War Coalition (2002-2003) yang menentang invasi AS ke Irak.

Sebagai ahli studi pembangunan, Fadli Zon sering diundang sebagai pengajar tamu di Universitas Indonesia untuk program S1 dan S2 mata kuliah Ekonomi Politik dan International Development sejak 2005.Ia juga beberapa kali membimbing skripsi mahasiswa antara lain tentang pemikiran Joseph E. Stiglitz. Selain itu, ia juga sering tampil sebagai pembicara dalam diskusi, seminar, konferensi dan training-training mahasiswa.

 

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FADLI ZON DI BALIK DEMO DI KANTOR MAJALAH D&R

JAKARTA (SiaR, 10/2/98), Aktivis lembaga penelitian milik Ikatan
Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia, CIDES, Fadli Zon, berada di balik
demonstrasi di kantor Redaksi Majalah D&R yang dilakukan Jumat (6/2) lalu.
Aksi sekitar 20 orang yang mengatasnamakan pemuda Islam Jakarta, Bogor,
Tangerang dan Bekasi (Jabotabek) itu mengecam D&R yang telah menuduh
mereka ditunggangi ABRI ketika melancarkan aksi anti-CSIS dan anti-Sofyan
Wanandi beberapa waktu sebelumnya, setelah bos Kelompok Gemala itu
diperiksa Kodam Jaya karena keterkaitan dengan bom PRD.

Dalam rubrik Prespektif, semacam tajuk rencana di koran, Majalah
D&R memang mengkaitkan aksi kelompok pemuda itu “diragap” ABRI untuk
mengalihkan gerakan anti Soeharto menjadi gerakan anti-CSIS.

Sumber SiaR menyebutkan, aksi menentang D&R diusulkan Fadli Zon
namun KH Abdul Kadir Djaelani, yang pernah menjadi korban penyiksaan
brutal aparat Intel Kodam Jaya dalam Kasus Tanjung Priok beberapa tahun
lalu, tak setuju. Abdul Kadir berpendapat D&R bukan musuh yang harus
dilawan, mengingat di masa lalu majalah TEMPO yang sebagian wartawannya
kini mengelola D&R pernah “membela” para korban Tanjung Priok, termasuk
dirinya dan AM Fatwa. Walau pun Kiai Djaelani tak setuju, demikian sumber
SiaR, Fadli Zon tetap ngotot. Djaelani kemudian meninggalkan rapat
diikuti pendukungnya dan Fadli Zon tetap nekad melancarkan aksi ke kantor
D&R. “Fadli Zon punya agenda sendiri dengan ngotot melancarkan aksi ke
majalah D&R”, kata sumber itu.

Fadli Zon adalah mahasiswa Sastra Slavia (Rusia) Universitas
Indonesia. Namanya melambung berkat kedekatannya dengan sejumlah elit
politik dan militer seperti Jendral (Purn) R Hartono, mantan KSAD yang
kini jadi Menteri Penerangan. Bersama-sama Dr Amir Santoso, yang kini
dimusuhinya dan bahkan dituduhnya sebagai plagiat, Fadli Zon mendirikan
CIDES. Fadli Zon juga dekat dengan Mbak Tutut, hingga dipercaya menjadi
konsultan proyek-proyek anak perempuan Soeharto itu.

Fadli Zon pernah menjadi ketua ISAFIS (Indonesian Student
Assosiacion for International Studies), kelompok studi yang didirikan
aktifis HMI, Faizal Motik, adik pengusaha Dewi Motik Pramono dan Kemala
Motik Abdul Gafur. Namun ia akhirnya tersingkir dari organisasi itu karena
gaya politiknya yang manipulatif dan suka “main atas” dengan berpatron
kepada tokoh-tokoh elit politik tak disukai teman-temannya.

Sumber SiaR di ISAFIS menyebutkan, para aktifis ISAFIS tak
menyukai sikapnya yang makin tidak independen dan makin
petentang-petenteng membawa handphone hadiah dari seorang perwira ABRI.
“Ia tak malu-malu menggunakan handphone itu di depan anak-anak ISAFIS,”
kata sumber itu. Sumber SiaR lainnya di ISAFIS menyebutkan, Fadli Zon juga
terlibat permainan “intel-intelen” skala kecil dengan menjalin hubungan
dengan kalangan ABRI tertentu. Di sebuah rumah di Jakarta Selatan, pihak
intel menyewa sebuah rumah yang dibuat seperti kantor kecil. “Di kantor
itu terdapat sejumlah komputer yang dipasangi peralatan canggih internet,
untuk mencounter setiap isu di internet yang menyerang penguasa,” ungkap
sumber itu.

Secara berkala, kata sumber itu, Fadli Zon datang ke rumah itu dan
bertugas membuat tulisan-tulisan. Dalam hal ini, lanjut sumber tadi, Fadli
Zon memang berguna karena gaya tulisannya yang cukup runtun dan terkesan
akademis dalam mengcounter isu-isu yang dilontarkan kelompok-kelompok
oposisi pro demokrasi.

“Ini kelebihan Fadli yang tak dimiliki operator-operator ABRI. Tidak
banyak kawan-kawan Fadli yang tahu sisi gelap Fadli ini,” ujar sumber
itu.***

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Vol. 4, No. 749 February 19, 1998

ANTI-CHINESE RIOTS RUINS INDONESIAN NATION-BUILDING

Andreas Harsono
American Reporter Correspondent
Jakarta, Indonesia

PAMANUKAN, Indonesia — Several pedicab drivers idled at street
corners, waiting for passengers. A few hundred meters away, in
shadier places, dozens of soldiers equipped with semi-automatic rifles
and rattan shields had taken off their boots for a nap. Military trucks
were parked outside a closed bank.

“We have been stationed here for three days without going home to
change our clothes,” said an army sergeant.

It was quiet. But three days after thousands of Muslims rioted, and
burned and looted more than 150 Chinese-owned shops here, the
atmosphere is still tense. No Chinese were seen on the street.

“Perhaps, they are scared,” said one pedicab driver. “They mostly
flee to big cities like Bandung or Jakarta,”

Other shops, which were spared from the Feb. 13 destruction, were
all closed. But their iron shutters could not hide the marks of battering
rams used to break through their iron grates, or their smashed
windows. The graffiti on the wall read, “Attack Chinese,” “Money
hungry Chinese fool,” “Anti-Chinese” or “I love Muslims.”

Muslim families, toprevent violence against their homes, painted
Muslim graffiti on their doors. Some simply put a sajadah, the Muslim
praying mat, at their door to keep looters from mistaking their houses
for those of the Chinese. “Pribumi,” a phrase that translates as
“indigenous,” was also sprayed on some houses for protection.

“[The riot] suddenly started at about 10 a.m. The protesters initially
blamed the Chinese for increasing the cooking oil price from 4,200 to
5,800 rupiah (per liter),” said driver Amin Suhamin, explaining that
only two shops were attacked at first, but it took only minutes before
the whole town ran amok. Hotels, restaurants, churches and other
Chinese-owned buildings were burned.

The 46-year-old Suhamin, who is also the local chairman of the
pro-government Pemuda Pancasila youth organization, said the police
were outnumbered; calm only returned to Pamanukan after soldiers
from the Mobile Brigade and the Army 312th Battalion arrived from
neighboring areas.

The looters also went to the Panorama Hotel, where salesmen and
travelers usually stay, and simply told the Chinese hotel manager, “It’s
not yours. This is not your country,” and took away everything from
furniture to bank notes, from kitchenwares to towels, in their waiting
cars, motorcycles and pedicabs.

“They were just running amok,” said another Chinese trader, adding
that the soldiers stationed here were outnumbered and did nothing but
watch. “But please do not mention my name,” he whispered.

Across Pamanukan and along the road leading to it from the capital,
Jakarta, about 150 kilometers away, down to Rogojampi, at the
eastern tip of the main island of Java, about 1,000 kilometers from
here, riots like these over price hikes have hit more than three dozens
towns since early January. The riots have also spread to other large
islands including Lombok, Sumbawa, Sulawesi and Sumatra, in the
Indonesian archipelago, where 13,600 islands comprise the fourth
largest nation on Earth and hold the world’s largest population of
Muslims.

Hundreds of automobiles were torched and thousands of
Chinese-owned buildings were destroyed. Some looters were shot to
death. Several Chinese were beaten by the mob. The issues: cooking
oil, kerosene, rice, sugar and milk. Foreign journalists in Jakarta do
not stop eating lunch anymore when they hear fresh riots have broken
out. It happens every day.

Many believe that the ongoing anti-Chinese campaign is the most
serious since the killing of Chinese that
accompanied the rise to power in the late 1960s of then-General
Suharto, who replaced Indonesia’s founding President Sukarno. It is
said that around 500,000 leftists were killed, including many
Indonesians of Chinese descent who couldn’t speak Mandarin and
regarded Indonesia their motherland.

In addition to ethnic Chinese shopkeepers, protesters have targeted
Christian churches over the price hikes and the rising cost of living
here that has accompanied the Asian economic crisis set off by the
sharp fall of the Thai currency, the baht.

“This is politics. It is not merely about staple items any more. The
churches have no relationship whatsoever with the price hikes,” said
Suhamin.

But, he added, “If the increase is in accordance with the government
regulation, it won’t be a problem. But these Chinese traders increased
the prices because they want to speculate and to gain more profit.”

Political analysts had different explanations for the anti-Chinese riots.
Some openly blamed Chinese speculators who stockpiled staple
items. They allege that the Chinese are not patriots, and do not want
to share the burden of the regional economic crisis, which has seen
the rupiah lost almost 80 percent of its value.

Many pro-government newspapers and televisions subscribe to that
view. They used news reports and talk shows the to mobilize public
support for the Love Rupiah campaign. In one news clip,
businesswoman Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, the eldest daughter of
President Suharto, complained that the campaign did not succeed
since “many big businesses” did not support it, apparently hinting that
the “pribumi” — native Indonesian — business people did support the
quixotic campaign, but not the Chinese.

Others say the campaign was engineered by elements of the military
with the help of people like Rukmana to divert public anger from
President Suharto’s wealth to that of the affluent minority that has
helped keep him in power. The campaign is reminiscent for many of
the Dutch colonial strategy that sought to turn Indonesia’s many ethnic
groups against one another.

Radical Muslims are also cooperating with the scheme. They have
used the military’s tolerance to attack a right-leaning think tank that
once helped the Suharto government crack down on Muslims in the
1970s and 1980s. A young Muslim activist, Fadli Zon, said that it is
    better to get rid of the Chinese and to become a less developed
    Indonesia than to live with the Chinese.

The police questioning of Chinese tycoon Sofjan Wanandi, the
spokesman for a Chinese-dominated business forum, Chinese
activists say, was allegedly done to send a message to Muslims that
they could start anti-Chinese activities. Wanandi and his elder brother
Jusuf, based on an email message allegedly found in a laptop
computer in an apartment destroyed by a bomb, were never formally
charged but were suspected of involvement in a terrorist bombing.
Both denied the charges.

Muslim intellectual Ulil Abshar-Abdalla, who helped to cool down
the riots in the Rembang area on the northern coast of Central Java,
underlined the general impression here that the military had apparently
tolerated the looting.

“They just look on and let the looters to rob the Chinese. The military
only arrest the looters to find the scapegoats,” he said.

“The Chinese are also our brothers and they have become a part of
this integrated nation. The protesters have to direct their anger and
protests at the government, as the government must be held
responsible in this messy situation,” said one of the nation’s most
influential Muslim leaders, Amien Rais.

Chinese traders lament that they are the ones who always become the
victims in Indonesia’s times of crisis. Unlike the rich tycoons who
quickly fly to Singapore or Sydney, these middle class families have
nowhere but their dangerous motherland to live.

Yohanes Lim Pek Hua, a Chinese shop owner who happened to
open his shop in Cikampek, some 100 kilometers from Pamanukan,
believed like most Chinese that he was safe from the rioting. “I have a
very good relationship with my neighbors here,” he said.

Neighbors confirmed his statement — but closeness did not guarantee
that the neighbors were prepared to defend Lim’s construction shop if
it’s looted by outsiders. “Nobody is not terrified with this inclination,”
the 40-year-old trader said, adding that if his shop is hit, he will just
leave Cikampek and go to his hometown in the island of Kalimantan,
whose ethnic Dayak population are friendlier toward the Chinese.

“I’m not going to reopen my shop. People do not want to face the
real problem here but find a scapegoat. Perhaps, it is a tradition,” Lim
bitterly smiled.

 

+++++++++++++

Fadli Zon Bela Ahok di Depan Ormas Islam

Selasa, 28 Oktober 2014 | 13:42 WIB
Kompas.com/Kurnia Sari AzizaPlt Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama dan Wakil Ketua Umum Partai Gerindra Fadli Zon tampak akrab pada perayaan
JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com — Wakil Ketua DPR Fadli Zon membela Pelaksana Tugas (Plt) Gubernur DKI Jakarta Basuki Tjahaja Purnama alias Ahok yang ingin dilengserkan oleh sejumlah ormas Islam dari kursi kepemimpinan di DKI Jakarta. Pelengseran, menurut dia, tidak bisa dilakukan karena tak sesuai koridor dan undang-undang yang berlaku. 

Sejumlah ormas Islam yang tergabung dalam Gerakan Masyarakat Jakarta (GMJ) beraudiensi dengan Fadli di kantornya, di Nusantara III Gedung DPR, Senayan, Jakarta, Selasa (28/10/2014) siang.

Awalnya, mereka mengungkapkan keinginan agar Ahok tak naik jabatan menjadi gubernur. Fadli pun menjelaskan kepada mereka bahwa Ahok memang tidak secara otomatis naik jabatan sebagai gubernur meskipun Joko Widodo sudah dilantik menjadi presiden.

Berdasarkan undang-undang, kata Fadli, gubernur akan dipilih kembali oleh DPRD. PDI-P dan Gerindra yang mengusung Jokowi-Ahok pada Pilgub 2012 lalu, kata dia, akan mengusulkan masing-masing satu nama. 

“Kalau kita mau mengajukan Pak Ahmad Muzani (Sekjen Gerindra),” ujar Fadli. 

Mendengar penjelasan Fadli itu, mereka tampak tidak puas. Mereka rupanya tidak hanya ingin Ahok tidak menjadi gubernur, tetapi juga mundur dari Wakil Gubernur DKI. “Kalau saya jadi Ahok, pasti saya sudah mundur dari dulu, Pak, karena pasti malu didesak publik untuk mundur,” ujar Fahrurozi Ishak, Koordinator GMJ. 

Mendengar permintaan kedua mereka, Wakil Ketua Umum Gerindra ini mengaku tidak bisa menyanggupinya. Menurut dia, segala sesuatunya harus berdasarkan koridor hukum, dan sejauh ini tidak ada cara yang dapat dilakukan berdasarkan undang-undang untuk menggulingkan Ahok dari jabatannya.Impeachment melalui DPRD juga tak dapat dilakukan bila Ahok tak melakukan kesalahan luar biasa. 

“Ini kan aspirasi, tapi kita tidak bisa dengan kemauan kita sendiri, harus berdasarkan undang-undang yang ada dalam koridornya. Jangan bermain di luar koridor yang sudah ada,” ujar Fadli.

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